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March 17, 2019 Critical Thinking

Also, Tun Dr Mahathir bin Mohamad developed and built Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM) which managed to bond the leaders of Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), the Democratic Action Party (DAP), and Aminah, a splinter that divided away from the rural-based, fundamentalist Parti Islam se-Malaysia, or PAS. Mariam (2018) stated that the importance of a free press and an independent parliament and judiciary and the other institutions that he fixed as the country’s leader. But again, there were critics that against Malaysians’ former prime minister. Anti-Mahathir critics have issued unambiguous warnings during signs that they are ganging-up on the former leader, an authoritarian gore who governed the country.
Operation Lalang is a starting roundup at one point that clean up journalists, civil libertarians and the opposition gores with whom he is now making common cause without habeas corpus and jailing them for months under the country’s colonial-era Internal Security Act. Despite criticizing Mahathir for his bygone policies, Datuk Seri Najib Razak has until August 201 8 to call the elections, but he is mindful that timing is everything. The suggestions are that he will call GE-1 4 after the Chinese New Year, which falls on 1 6 February. He will not delay till after June, because that is when Anwar Ibrahim is due to be free from jail. In latest months, the party apparatchiks have increased their outbreaks against Mahathir, tell-tale signs that they see him as a serious threat. That will explain the growing criticisms of Mahathir, his earlier policies and his closest aides. The internal revenue department has inspected both his business friends’ and sons’ income tax returns. Even his family members have not been freed. Mukhriz, Mahathir’s son, was horrid to discover that his daughter’s luxury lifestyle was discovered and revealed. (Mariam, 2018).
In addition, Pakatan Harapan chairman Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad gave the idea on the proposed of Anti-Fake News Bill is virtuously political and the government should tolerate more time to debate the bill before passing it. The former prime minister added it is not obligatory to introduce the new law as current laws are adequate to legalize the press and to deal with false allegations. He stated that it is very clear that they are chaotic and do not know what the right purpose of such a law is, other than for political ends. They want such a ruling when there are already laws that are appropriate, so that the government has power to keep its critics. Yet again, a critic from the Malaysian Bar Council, the council president, George Varughese in a speech said it is intensely troubled by the introduction of the Anti-Fake News Bill. The drafting of the planned legislation rises many questions. The council calls on the government to remove the proposed legislation for consideration at this current sitting of parliament and to assemble a proper select committee widely and publicly into the issue (Ramasamy, 2018).
Furthermore, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad presented another political idea where he would free the conventional media from political restrictions if he wins the 14th general election (GE14). Mohamed (2018) highlighted that he said a government would also eradicate all laws that limit freedom of expression in Malaysia. Media such as TV3, Utusan Malaysia, Berita Harian, New Straits Times, and all other media will be unrestricted from the control of political parties, and there will be no more laws to confine liberty of expression. Deputy Prime Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi believed the government would criticise the Printing Presses and Publications Act 1984 so that writing, broadcasting and publishing would not be overly restricted by guidelines.
Tun Dr Mahathir’s actions against the media and printers last year involved one severe warning letter, two warning letters, 14 letters of reprimand, 44 letters of advice and four show-cause letters said by Zahid, the Deputy Prime Minister. He also said the government was alert that many traditional media companies, both electronic and print, were facing challenges in relations of income as most people had converted to non-traditional media. He added that most traditional media channels were viewed as prejudiced towards the government. In his talk, Mahathir also emphasized the promise in the PH manifesto to fight corruption if the coalition triumphs in GE14. Mahathir said we will implement various ways, one of which is to border the service of the prime minister to two relations. We will also regionalize the influences under the prime minister by sinking the number of ministers in the Prime Minister’s Department. Special committees will be set up to examine 1MDB, Felda, Mara and Tabung Haji (Mohamed, 2018).
Another critic from Khairy Jamaluddin about Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamed’s political idea, who is in charge of National Transformation 2050 (TN50), stated he regretted Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s recent personal attacks in contradiction of the initiative of TN50. The Youth and Sports Minister said it was depressing to see the former premier simply dismissing TN50, a collective ambition of Malaysians millennial, and comparing it to the latter’s specific Vision 2020. He referred to Dr Mahathir’s statement (TN50), he was extremely dissatisfied by Mahathir’s statement which is wrong and personal in nature. TN50 is the opinion of young Malaysians, for the upcoming years. Millions had come onward to share their hopes, thoughts and objectives to build the future, together. He was responding to Mahathir’s speech on TN50 was a duplicate of Vision 2020, and that it was an admission that the government required 32 more years to ample what Mahathir had happening in 1991 (Amar, 2018).
Besides, one of Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s ideas was increasing the equity of the Malays. But it turned out so simplistic by using the GLCs. Webmaster (2017) argued that Mahathir’s vision of doing business is by exploiting through monitoring shares in as many companies as possible. According to people’s critic, Mahathir’s idea did not work out well without considering the risk of losing money. Mahathir’s economic policy was not constructed on any solid substance and had never been established in any country before. It was based on his ideas and perspectives. If these had been any decent or worked, many countries would have already applied similar ideas centuries ago. Even well-known capitalist and communist economic systems have come under fire and economic failure is a norm these days, part of a man-made boom and bust cycle.
Moreover, one of the ideas by Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad called Vision 2020 stated Malaysia can be a united nation, with a confident Malaysian society, pervaded by strong moral and ethical principles, living in a civilization that is democratic, liberal and tolerant, caring, economically just and reasonable, progressive and prosperous, and in full possession of an economy that is competitive, dynamic, vigorous and resilient in the year 2020. Also stated that there can be no completely developed Malaysia until we have finally overcome the nine fundamental strategic challenges that have threatened us from the moment of our birth as a sovereign nation.
In contrast, the critic highlighted if Mahathir and UMNO have been successful in making sure Malaysia attains developed nation status by 2020, why does the record show so many serious errors to date. There are only eight years to go but the economy is still in messes with the national debt rising, racial and religious harmony in confusion, and the political situation deteriorating with UMNO-BN now willingly resorting to physical violence to end the opposition from holding their demonstrations. The educational system is also leading nowhere, healthcare is getting worse and more expensive, the much-touted and corrupt 1Care already forbidden before it can even come on-stream, law and order is still doubtful, misconduct and graft more rooted than before in the UMNO-BN government. Instant of all cylinders kicking in, and concluding into the awareness of Vision 2020, Malaysia may go bankrupt as a substitute (Nawawi, 2012).

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